Montgomery
Meanwhile, General Dwight Eisenhower, initially the
commander of Operation Torch, reorganized the air, naval, and ground
relationships among the Allied forces. Thus, he created the first truly
combined (inter- Allied) headquarters. Eisenhower’s gifts as a conciliator and
strategist were exceptional; he was also willing to learn from experience. And
his usually patient personality allowed him to mold a group of disputatious and
quarrelsome generals from different countries into a winning team. That nearly
everyone underestimated him was a major factor in his effectiveness. He was now
to display those talents in marshaling and organizing Allied forces attacking
the Axis positions in Tunisia.
In early March 1943, fully alerted by Ultra, Montgomery
administered a severe beating to Rommel’s forces on the Tunisian-Libyan
frontier. The failure to stop Eighth Army was Rommel’s swan song in Africa; he
returned to Germany for further medical treatment. By now the situation of Axis
forces in Tunisia was rapidly deteriorating. Allied fighter aircraft had gained
the upper hand, so that the Stukas could no longer operate without suffering
heavy casualties. On the ground, Allied pressure placed Axis troops in an
impossible situation.
But it was the unceasing Allied air campaign against Axis
shipping and ports that bit most deeply. Informed by Ultra of virtually every
Axis air and naval movement, Allied air attacks devastated the convoys crossing
to North Africa. In mid-March Fliegerkorps Tunis concluded that the courses of
its convoys across to Tunisia from Sicily were being betrayed to the Allies,
but the Germans found it impossible to believe that their own communications
might be the problem. By the end of March the Germans had to shut the convoys
down entirely and move to airlift. In April and early May, Allied fighters—fully
alerted to the German flight schedules by Ultra— wrecked the aerial bridge from
Sicily to Tunis. In a five-week period the Germans lost over 200 transport
aircraft.
A series of Allied attacks drove German forces in Tunisia
into an ever shrinking pocket. In late April, led by the British First Army and
the U.S. II Corps, the Allies broke the Axis bridgehead into two separate
positions, which they then reduced in short order. With relatively little
ammunition, virtually no fuel, and their backs to the Mediterranean, the Axis
forces collapsed, although the Italians resisted longer than their German
allies. Over the last week of April and the first week of May, Germans and
Italians flowed into Allied POW camps; in all, the Allies captured 275,000
soldiers in what was almost as critical a defeat as Stalingrad, for it
eliminated virtually all the German reserves in the Mediterranean.
The Anglo-American forces were in a position similar to that
of the Soviets immediately after Stalingrad. But where the latter had displayed
too little caution in their moves across the Don, the Anglo-Americans would
display too much caution. With hardly any German troops in Sicily, Corsica, or
Sardinia, Allied senior leaders refused to assume any serious risks. Instead,
they waited for over two months while they prepared the invasion of the
Mediterranean in meticulous detail. Not until 10 July 1943 did they finally
launch Operation Husky against Sicily.
In that two-month period they lost the possibility of
seizing Corsica and Sardinia and confronting the Germans with the threat of
Allied landings from southern France to Sicily. But caution was the order of
the day—on the British part because of fear of German capabilities, on the
American part by a desire to minimize commitments in the Mediterranean. At the
Trident Conference in Washington that May, the Americans at least agreed to
continue Allied efforts in the Mediterranean beyond Sicily in order to knock
the Italians out of the war. But at the same time they forced the British to
agree that the invasion of northern France would take place in May 1944. The
result of this horse trading, however, was an unimaginative direct attack on
Sicily that failed to take advantage of Allied naval, amphibious, and air
superiority as well as Axis weaknesses in the air and on the ground.
Husky’s success was helped considerably by skilled Allied
deception plans that persuaded substantial elements of the OKW and most
importantly Hitler that the Allies would not, after all, attack Sicily or the
Italian mainland but rather the Balkans and Greece. In June and July 1943 the
OKW deployed substantial reinforcements to Greece, including the 11th Luftwaffe
Field Division, the 104th and 117th Jäger Divisions, the 1st Panzer Division,
and the 1st Mountain Division. So worried were Hitler and the OKW that they
even dispatched Rommel to Salonika to meet the expected invasion. Instead,
these German forces guarded Greek beaches— not bad duty for early summer 1943.
The invasion of Sicily was the largest amphibious operation
of the war, at least on the first day. Montgomery drew up the plan and not
surprisingly gave pride of place to Eighth Army, which he still commanded. The
British would land on the southeastern corner of Sicily and drive north to Messina
to cut off the German and Italian garrison. To the west, the American Seventh
Army under Patton would provide a flank guard.
In early June a massive air campaign fell upon Italian and
German air bases throughout Sicily. Battered Luftwaffe squadrons no longer
could hold their own. The experienced pilots had been steadily killed off, to
be replaced by fresh-faced boys who had little chance of surviving. The
amphibious landings in early July went well, although there was some stiff
opposition over the course of the first day. But the campaign did not turn out
as Montgomery had hoped. Almost immediately the British drive to the north ran
into difficulties; Montgomery then took over roads assigned to Seventh Army.
But by that time Patton, who had no intention of acting in a supporting role to
Montgomery, had launched American forces west to capture Palermo and then back
across the northern coast to reach Messina before the British.
The invasion of Sicily did lead to Mussolini’s overthrow and
it forced the Germans to terminate Zitadelle in the east—the first direct major
combat contribution the Allies made to the Soviets. But on the operational
level its results were less than satisfactory. The Allies gained little more
than the island of Sicily, and for the first time, but not the last,
Anglo-American commanders allowed sizeable numbers of Germans to escape to
fight another day. In this case, the Germans established massive flak
(anti-aircraft gun) positions on both sides of the straits of Messina and then
ferried virtually all the surviving troops across to the mainland. Neither
Allied air nor naval power intervened effectively. On a more personal but
distressing note, George Patton, displaying a characteristic lack of
self-control, slapped two GIs suffering from shell shock and malaria. The
incidents almost terminated his military career, and they resulted in his
replacement by the dour, unimaginative, and deeply jealous Omar Bradley as the
top commander of U.S. ground forces.
There was, however, one major strategic gain in the
Mediterranean campaign of 1942–43: it opened the sea to Allied merchant
shipping, and by thus shortening the route to the Middle and Far East it freed
somewhere between three and four million tons of merchant vessels for other
purposes.
The period between May 1942 and July 1943 witnessed a major
shift in the fortunes of war. German victories in summer 1942 represented the
last moment when the Wehrmacht’s skill and force structure were still
sufficient to gain and hold the initiative. But these victories in the
Mediterranean and on the Eastern Front entailed an enormous miscalculation of
the Third Reich’s ability to coordinate, command, and supply its forces on two
fronts. By exhausting themselves in pursuit of unachievable goals, the Germans
created opportunities for Allied counterattacks which proved devastating. From
this point on, the initiative would rest with Germany’s opponents. The Germans
would have to await each blow with grim determination and the dark hope that they
could fight long and hard enough to split the Allied coalition apart, short of
total victory.
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